The Syrian people are caught in a horrible downward spiral.The government’s slaughter seems only to intensify as President Bashar Assadpursues a ruthless strategy of draining the sea to get the fish – attackingcivilians so they will flee and leave the armed opposition isolated.
Meanwhile, the sprawling collection of militias thatconstitute the armed opposition includes some that are themselves torturing andexecuting prisoners and promoting sectarian strife. While not on a par with thegovernment-directed slaughter, their abuses encourage Syria’s minorities tostick with the murderous Assad rather than risk an uncertain future under rebelrule.
The Syrian National Coalition was created to provide aunified command structure that could replace Assad, rein in abusive rebelforces, promote minority rights and pursue a transition that left the statesufficiently intact to avoid a chaotic collapse. Yet the S.N.C. has littleclout because it has nothing to offer the people to relieve their suffering. Atthe very least, a major influx of humanitarian aid is needed.
So far, most donors have sent aid via operations based inDamascus, meaning little gets to many opposition-held areas of Syria where thesuffering is most acute, even when those in need are just across the borderfrom major relief operations in Turkey.
Some humanitarian organizations fear the government willattack them or shut down their Damascus-based operations if they also operatefrom across Syria’s borders. Others are simply following the usual U.N. rulesand deferring to the Syrian government.
At least some donors should break from this logic andmassively augment growing but wholly inadequate of humanitarian aid nowcrossing from Turkey into Syria through nongovernmental organizations. Aidshould be delivered in coordination with rights-respecting elements of therudimentary civilian governance structures that have been created in opposition-heldareas of Syria.
That would help to ease real suffering. It would alsoenhance the influence of voices in both the international community and Syriancivilian governance structures that are encouraging opposition fighters torespect rights and embrace a vision for the country that includes all Syrians.Ideally, to maximize effectiveness, cross-border aid should be sent withDamascus’s consent or U.N. Security Council approval, but given theintransigence of Assad and his Russian backers, the international communityshould not wait for permission.
Government forces might still try to bomb the aid, much asthey have attacked bakeries and bread lines in northern Syria. But such brazensabotage of relief efforts would risk retaliatory steps of the sort theinternational community so far has been unwilling to take. Even if large-scalecross-border aid proceeds, it is important not to replicate the “well fed dead”phenomenon of Bosnia, where the international community focused on humanitarianaid to civilians rather than ending their slaughter. The internationalcommunity, which has a “responsibility to protect” the Syrian people, fearsthat giving the opposition arms or military support may contribute to a stillmore repressive future or a sectarian civil war.
Yet the jihadist elements of the opposition have their ownnetworks to obtain arms, reinforcing the international community’s propensityto inaction and at the same time allowing Assad to use their power to rally hissupporters. The West has imposed sanctions on the Syrian leadership, buttougher measures – such as worldwide sanctions, a global ban on sending arms topro-Assad forces or the invocation of the International Criminal Court – havebeen stymied in the U.N. Security Council by Russia’s veto, backed by China.
The international community is wrong to treat Russia’sobstruction as reason to give up. More can and should be done, starting withgreatly increased cross-border humanitarian aid. And if that aid succeeds inbolstering rights-respecting elements of the armed opposition, it could haveimportant knock-on effects.
A stronger, respected civilian governance structure wouldhave more authority to negotiate an orderly transition in lieu of the chaos andendless civil war that many dread. It could also reduce fears that a successorgovernment might be worse than the current regime.
The carnage in Syria should redouble our determination toend it. A massive cross-border humanitarian operation is feasible, and it couldcontribute to a virtuous cycle that Syria desperately needs to curb theslaughter of civilians.
Kenneth Roth is executive director of Human Rights Watch
